Through my mother's eye:1962 Indo-Sino Conflict

Ane’s narrative of ’62 Conflict

[As family huddled together to celebrate sister, Jarjum Ete nee Gamlin’s 50^th birthday on September 28 last, memory jogged me back to childhood narratives.]

 -Jarpum Gamlin

‘My fourth and the first girl child was born on September 28 1962  when the first news of Chinese invasion at Menchuka-Tato reached Aalo,’ tells my Ane (meaning mother in Galo language) while recalling few weeks before being evacuated to a relief camp at Dibrugarh as result of the “Chinese Invasion in 1962” . 

Like her, many witnesses of the “1962 Indo-Sino conflict” died with the belief that Chinese were the aggressors; and many have endured through these past 50 years to narrate how Indian government evacuated them to safety, against the evil Chinese. Most of such witnesses were never educated about Nehru’s quixotic misadventure called “Forward Policy”, by design. Not once they were informed of government’s blunder.

‘On the dusk of the sixth or seventh day, as we started performing the traditional ritual, celebrating the fall of umbilical cord of my new born child; we were informed of the evacuation plan to Dibrugarh for the next day’. That’s how she narrates the account of the first week of October 1962.

‘We were huddled into a big air-craft from Aalo airfield and dropped at Dibrugarh,’ she tells with objectivity of her ordeal in a ‘relief camp’ where she spent about a month and half, with four toddlers-three boys (Jarkar, Jarbom and Jarken) and a girl (Jarjum).

Abo (meaning father) could not join the family at the relief camp. As a political interpreter (PI), he was busy with official relief work during the conflict period. He was the happiest man when my sister was born because his first three born were male; and all his siblings were male- tells Ane.

‘Whole day, we would sit idle with no work. Initially, we were treated well but with the passage of time, hospitality standard started falling to pitiable low: the place was cramped, children were getting rashes and people were falling sick with no medical help,’ narrates my Ane with a caveat that  no one should ever be  in a relief camp, especially with toddlers.

With Chinese gone back and Couple of weeks into December, they returned home to find the entire house was ransacked and looted; Pigs were missing so were the cows.

‘Not even a feather of poultry was left. Everything was looted by our own, not by Chinese,’ rues Ane while adding that she should not have left home at the first place. Chinese never came upto Aalo; Much later, we were told that Chinese did reach certain villages near Tato, after crossing Mechuka,’ tells Ane and adds that Chinese were friendly, warm and generous to the locals; and while retreating back into their side of McMahon line, Chinese soldiers gave away knives, spades, shovels and other tools for agriculture which were used during the conflict period.

I, as a child, too had seen a Chinese shovel with our neighbor, Tabu Tangu. He used to flaunt the spade and say, ‘This is a gift from the Chinese army.’ I too had seen and used “that Chinese spade.  

‘I would have gone over to Chinese side, if not for this red-coat,’ he used to tell us while flaunting his uniform of PI. I reminisce Tangu was drafted into the service of government as political PI after the 1962 conflict and he retired more than a decade back and settled at Kaying (near Aalo) yet I could never pin-point why he wanted to cross over to China. I recall the poignant story of how his only brother was sold-off as Pakbo (meaning slave) to a rich Chinese family, after the death of parents, by own uncle. ‘He must have been around 8 years and I was around 5 years when we parted,’ he’d narrate and add that last few hours were spent together in river bank washing pork for the Chinese guest. With moist eyes he’d tell, ‘Brother promised to take me with him when he grows up; which never happened.’

Maybe he had an innate desire to locate and reunify with his lost brother!

[Writer is the CEO-Eastern Sentinel as well as the Partner-Radio Ooo LaLa. He can be reached at jarpumgamlin@gmail.com]

1946: The Year of Reckoning

‘It was just one chance meeting with Political Officer, PLS James alias James Saab and I lapped up a job by invitation,’ recalls my father, Sokjar with pride and joy intact after almost 70 years, as if he is caught in time-warp, dating back to1946- a year after end of World War-II and a year before India’s Independence.

Looking back, at the lowest level of service it wasn’t a matter of such pride but working for Her Majesty Queen of England’s must have been a different feeling. Indeed, a different feeling! After all, it was during a trying period in his youth that he was offered the job by James Saab.

Aloof of the World War-II that ended in 1945 with geo-political equations changed forever; there were a set of innocent boys and men from Galos in Siang belt that traversed across the mountains, hills, valleys, rivers and rivulets including mighty Brahmaputra in search of livelihood under British regime. Innocence or ignorance, but it is also a fact that India’s penultimate year of War for Independence have had a very little bearing on poverty stricken people who were working hard for few months to feed themselves for rest of the months in a year; and for those who had aspirations to move ahead in lives. With or without collusion of the administrators, exploitations by the big businessmen were galore too.

‘I had just lost my source of livelihood in Cane harvesting business over a payment dispute with Jalan Nyigom,’’ grimly he remembers the incident leading upto his meeting with James Saab in 1946. He remembers the event as if it occurred yesterday which only tells how heart-aching it must have been for him. ‘That particular year, I had sub-contracted cane cultivation from Jalan Nyigom from Dibrugarh.’

Murlidhar Jalan was one of the biggest businessmen of his time in the entire region. Jalan is best remembered for his contribution in setting up of present Assam Medical College. It is documented that he donated land of Borbari and Ethelwood Tea estate to Assam Government when the then Chief Minister Gopinath Bordoloi was in a fix over establishing a medical college; despite two medical institutions at Dibrugarh (that is, Berry White Medical School and 56 Command Military Hospital established). Jalan’s donation of land helped the BC Roy committee resolved that fix leading upto establishment of Assam Medical College in 1946 immediately after 2^nd World War (WW-II). Thus, thereafter, the intake of the first batch of students was completed by September 1947 with 56 boys and a girl against 65 approved seats.

As if to stamp his authority as an expert and veteran, he informs, ‘I was got into the business quite early. You will be surprised that first time when I went to do business in a place called Dekuathana, I wore nothing; and I worked nude during that entire season.’ He had been in the business for 13 summers before that particular dispute arose. ‘In the second year, I went to  place called Tengahaali, and by then, I had started wearing loin clothes,’ he puts fact across, indicating that he attained his puberty and he was into his teenage. By that measure, in 1946, he was a veteran into cane cultivation business, doubling as a labourer and sub-contractor to maximize his earnings.

‘Walker’s office had issued wage rate order for Rs 4 and Rs 6 for the labourers and the contractors respectively for ‘Ekkho’ respectively,’ he says. Ekkho?  ‘To put it in layman’s language, labourers had to harvest canes, and then split each cane into 2 pieces. 20 of such pieces were referred to as a ‘Podum’ and in turn, 5 such Podums were called an ‘Ekkho’.

‘That’s 100 split cane pieces?’ ‘That’s right’.

The conflict arose, mid-way into the cultivation season, when Jalan decided to pay Rs 2 less to both contractors and labourers against the stipulated norms as specified by Tirap Frontier Tract office, Margherita. ‘It was loss of Rs 4 per day for me since I doubled as a contractor and labourer,’ he recalls with a sense of betrayal and rues with sense of discontentment even as he hits 100 years of age.

Business environment and industrial relations was not much different in their time. Like in today’s time, even those days big business houses wielded considerable power and control over administrative mechanism; more so when power-structure was in transition after WW-II. In 1946, it wasn’t even 3 years since the establishment of Tirap Frontier Tract (TFT), carved out of certain parts of Lakhimpur Frontier Tract and Sadiya Frontier Tract.  And TFT was administered by GED Walker as the first Political Officer (PO) from Margherita; despite appeals from villagers to set up the head-quarter at either Khengkhu or Horukhuma, closer to core areas of TFT.  And Walker was a new promotee from Assistant Political Officer and was still grappling with his new assignments

He remembers how the entire working-class went on a mass protest, resorting to tool-down; and went to Walker Nyigom. Within weeks of their complaint, PO Walker along with contractor, Jalan came to the site at Sadiya with a huge trunk. ‘Unlike today’s administration, those days justice delivery system was faster. At least, one knew which side one is headed for, without losing much sleep. Walker Nyigom was a man of few words and was not very much into PR exercise, unlike PLS James who believed in spending time with people and understands the ground realities. That day, Walker gave them two things,’ my father opines.

He relives the moment enacting how the huge trunk was opened. ‘It contained currency, all in coins those days!’ he recalls with sense of excitement like a person drawing his first salary.

‘First, Walker Nyigom gave us-the labourers and sub-contractors from Siang belt, our dues at the agreed rate. Remember, they were Britishers who believed in fair-play,’ he says without hiding his distaste for systems today, and continues ‘And also, he gave us a sealed envelope and asked us to hand-deliver the same to the Political Officer of Siang, PLS James’ office at Pasighat.’

‘Immediately the same day, gang from Siang belt including Karsen Riba, Gidam Yomgam, Gibi Mindo, Gosen Basar and Bojir Zirdo left Sadiya for Pasighat.’ Those are few of his colleagues he managed to remember.

On reaching Pasighat, the envelope was received by the Base Superintendent (BS), Gangadhar Rai Barua who later became Assistant Political Officer and also, looked after the office of PO after PLS James left Pasighat sometime in 1949. This letter says that none of you will be allowed to venture into the other side of Brahmaputra for cane business hereafter, thus read-out Barua Nyigom on behalf of PLS James.

With a chuckle and without conceding much, he says, ‘neither the businessmen nor the administrators have changed to these days. They listen to people with more resources.’ He still believes that Jalan Nyigom was behind that instruction, which snatched their livelihood; and Walker Nyigom was just a messenger.

As if he is guilty of accusing the messenger of being biased, in a flash he adds, ‘Britishers were very fair administrators. On one hand, they snatched our only source of bread and butter and on the other hand, at Pasighat, within few weeks we were invited to join the service of British Ranee, by James Saab.’

‘Those days most of the appointments were by invitations; unlike these days where all kind of funny antics are indulged in,’ my father narrates, with good degree of haughtiness. Thus, in 1946, a year after WW-II and a year before India’s independence, my father was an ‘Orkora’ by order of Her Majesty, Queen of England.

‘As it happens, many a times there are days when trouble doesn’t seem to be getting over; but, there are few days when good fortune turns quick and fast, never letting a moment of sadness or depression. Mind you, it is not the luck, it is the emotions that you show in the moment of despair that designs one’s fortune,’ old man told me as we finish our telephonic conversation of his fight for justice against Jalan.

Elephants are dancing: Changing face of print media in Arunachal

Many acquaintances, close friends and even family members have questioned my logic of re-launching the newspaper within quarter of a year, after the closure of my previous daily English newspaper under difficult circumstances. To me, whosoever acted against my newspaper was not against media per se but it was against me, as an individual and as a sibling of the then Chief Minister. Not even for once; I believed that attack on my publication was a media gag. At least three official reports that I know of, vindicated my stand on Times of India (ToI) that I have had nothing to do with Pradeep Thakur or ToI.

Thus, my decision has been driven by sheer passion to bring about media revolution, a process that we had set in motion on September 24, 2009. 

There were times, when Arunachal media was bullied by ‘power that was’; Gegong Apang, the then Chief Minister and his office used to dictate the news to be carried in the dailies; and those who defied their directions were barred from receiving the government advertisement, the only source of revenue those days.

Competition to his daily English newspaper, Arunachal Times was crushed with iron fist. Recall, he had uninterrupted run for 19 long years!

So much so, that owner of ‘Echo of Arunachal’, Nani Dai had to sell her land to sustain the newspaper. Such act lasted for more than a year. She was forced to shunt-out her editor, V Ravindrand, for writing a particular editorial against the then ruling Congress government under Gegong Apang’s regime.

Decade later, the publisher is still in business, doing much better; and editor in question is still editing another newspaper under a dynamic young leader , Gabriel D Wangsu, who himself is a seasoned journalist.

Time has changed, we have had liberal politicians in Mukut Mithi, late Dorjee Khandu, Jarbom Gamlin and we have a new Chief Minister in Nabam Tuki who has always maintained healthy relations with media fraternity and have taken care of welfare and growth of media in the state.

In essence, there is no logic to my decision in coming out with a new avatar.

Whilst I was doing market survey in the end of year 2008, I found the existing newspapers like an elephant who can’t dance. An elephant which has grown too big, too heavy to make an image make-over but 3 years laters, I have been proved wrong. Elephants are agile, keeping up with the changing face of state’s media and readers are very happy with the changes. These are signs that I take pride of.

There are many more for which team Sentinel can take credit for.

Foremost, we were the first newspaper, as a policy, to adopt investigative reports on socio-economic and other developmental programmes. Thus, most of the newspapers, which till then looked more like notice boards rather than newspapers, started changing its reporting pattern and everything else too followed suit.

Today, there are very appealing newspapers with high quality imported newsprints. The first newspaper of the state, Echo of Arunachal’s image and content layout is one of the best in the entire North East region. The newly launched daily, Independent Review has set a new benchmark in presentation and in newsprint, which others will have to emulate to remain competitive.

With changing time, Arunachalees are getting to purchase ‘foreign products’ just for Rs 3 everyday, and my daily’s news print has been left behind in the race.

After the launch of my newspaper 3 years ago, another aspect that changed dramatically, I recall is the compensation scenario.

Earlier, there were exploitations of journalists with pea-nuts doled out even to senior journalists with almost 2 decades of experience; and thus, quality of journalists and journalism was compromised to a large extent. We were the first to pay higher salary to fresh graduate with mass communication degree compared to the seasoned journalists. Currently, journalists in Arunachal are pitted with the best paid journalists in the entire North East region within their age-experience basket.

There is no looking back; my newspaper is not the highest pay master anymore!

Believe you me; it’s such a refreshing change to see the print media changing in front of my eyes.

I believe newspaper sells because of its content and the way it’s put acrossed. New breed of journalists like Sanjay Mosing, Amar Sangno, Taba Ajum, Appu Gapak, Gandhi Darang are doing fantastic job and old guards too have raised new standards. I can vouch for a fact that, today, most of the newspaper houses have ‘sentinel journalists’ in their team whom I had trained and groomed; and they are doing very well, wherever they are. Now I have another batch with me who are shaping up well and soon they too will be gone one of these days, giving me another reason to rejoice.

In losing many battles, I believe I have won couple of wars. I have always said, “Give me 32 young bloods, two from each district; I can change Arunachal.”

Yes, there are prices to pay in such revolutionary work and I have paid mine too. There are bridges that you burn, so be it.

Culturally, people in positions take investigative reports too personal, without realizing that it’s their positions that are questioned, not the person holding the post. But that’s Arunachal today; tomorrow, it would change, for sure.

In a very short span, we created lot many trails, treaded into road less travelled; there are desires to create many more beautiful trails that I could be proud of when I am old. One such new trail would be the launch of first e-paper in Arunachal Pradesh.

I hope that with the launch of first e-paper, www.easternsentinel.in, people sitting in Tawang, Mechuka, Anini and Khonsa too shall read the news like the rest in capital complex- same day, not 2-3 days later anymore. They won’t miss anything published, including job and tender advertisements.

Won’t that be good for this land locked place and its people?

Burdens of bedlam- a creation of GoI’s indecisiveness- I & II

Two and half schools of analysts

After Thailand based Swedish journalist, Bertil Lintner ended up writing a travelogue of his journey through the jungle of Naga Hills to Kachin Hills and right upto Yunnan Province before he came back via flight is well documented in his book, ‘Land of Jade’, which is as good as Bible for us, who desire to understand ultra movement in North-East. He became a hero, a legendary personality and cult figure amongst the journalistic fraternity; he is part of folklore amongst curious observers and analysts keeping a close watch on ultra’s movement in the NE region (NER).

Thereafter, lot of ‘wanna-be-Bertils’ made it across to northern Myanmar camps of underground elements from NE region in search of elusive status to be part of folklores. There are two schools of security analysts today in the NER. In my own parlance, I term them as ‘Wasbir Hussain School’ and ‘Subir Bhowmick School’ of analysts. Former school is less of field work, more of arm-chair research contrary to latter’s hands-on and depth understanding of ‘non-state actors’. Wasbir Scholar’s are more media savvy, precise and articulate but bereft of realities. On the other hand, Subir Scholar’s are non-too articulate but well grounded with facts, figures and more credible.

But, having never crossed an inch beyond Pangsau Pass in Nampong areas of Jairampur or Kibito and Dichu in Anjaw district which is just few kilometers from Burma and China borders respectively, one have had fair access to few areas and camps and interacted with few important people but, honestly, one can’t make tall claim as Bertil Lintner or Subir Bhowmick.

Thus, make no mistake; I don’t belong to any school of analysts.

Pawn in the Chinese Checker

Based on limited understanding and based on much lesser interaction compared to seasoned journalist that I have mentioned of; one did have extensive discussions with the credible people in the ‘know-of-things’. With brain that one has, few inferences from the collated primary data and personal interviews over the last two and half years has been drawn out to analyze the role of few ‘real’ or ‘fictional’ protagonists in the whole web of mess that has entangled an entire generation of Arunachalees in the jungles of Patkai & Kachin Hills for the cause of ‘Government of the People's Republic of Nagaland (GPRN)’ to ‘Greater Nagalim’ to ‘Supra-State’.

And, one can be sure that many more of our boys and girls, from Tirap-Changlang-Longding which borders eastern Nagaland, would continue to fight and become martyrs for Eastern Nagaland People's Organisation (ENPO) led ‘Eastern Nagaland’ movement in days to come.

Facts and fictions

Political corridors, social circles and academia have always credited two relatives, L Wanglat, a catholic Christian and TL Rajkumar, for sowing the seeds of NSCN (Isaac Chisi Swu-Thuingaleng Muivah) & NSCN (SS Khaplang) respectively in Tirap for Tirapians. There is no evidence to such claims. Like many other political leaders from that region, they might have hobnobbed, might have been to Camp Hebron, and might have paid huge sum for safety and security in all likelihood. There is perhaps a very little evidence to such allegations and charges. If at all, those cardinal ‘error of judgments’ led the politicians to hobnobbing, ritualistic ‘summoned tour’ to headquarter, paying-up; then, they all did it discreetly in earlier days.  Here, the game and its rule have changed over the past decades along with the re-generation of trees Patkai hills, after Supreme Court’s timber ban in 1996. With ceasefire declared between rebel groups and Indian Armies, limited applicability within Nagaland against the conventional trend; and this ceasefire agreement is non-existent for the same rebel groups, on the edges and outside of eastern border of Nagaland. Thus, one can count more than 12 legislators plus at least couple of more senior politicians from Lohit and other parts of Arunachal who are in indiscreet contacts with the GPRN cadres and their interactions over phone are on records.

Importance & role of Church

It is a fact that both Isaac-Muivah (IM) and Khaplang (K) factions have affinity to the same denominations of Christianity- Baptist Church. Therefore, preceding line as the given situation, roles of few church leaders need to be evaluated objectively and pragmatically. Few decades back, Bertil Lintner in his book, ‘Land of Jade’, a book which was subsequently banned in Nagaland for demystifying the great fight for Naga nation, elaborated the role of a Baptist preacher and his family in an Isaac-Muivah camp inside the thick jungles of Kachin; and Lintner depicted a graphic pictorial of Muivah’s wife commitment to the faith.

In essence, acceptability of Church is also borne by the facts that Baptist denominations of Christianity figures prominently in all reconciliatory initiatives and talks starting with the formation of the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR) in February 2008. FNR is a body comprising of all the frontal Naga organisations, including the Council of Naga Baptist Churches (CNBC), Nagaland Baptist Church council (NBCC) and the Nagaland Christian forum (NCF) and other civic groups. On the initiatives of FNR, amidst gory violence back in Nagaland and at a time when Naga folks were losing hope, in June 2009, the ‘Covenant of Reconciliation(CoR)’ was signed by Isaac C Swu, chairman, NSCN/GPRN; SS Khaplang, chairman, GPRN/NSCN; and Brig (Retd) S Singnya, Kedahge (president), federal government of Nagaland after the Chiangmai-V. Here too, it was the drive of FNR convenor, Rev Dr Wati Aier that ensured the success. Internationally, back-door backing of forum such as Baptist World Alliance; Quakers and American Baptist Churches are well documented too.

Lighting the fire

Therefore, nothing in the succeeding few paragraphs should be read through myopic jaundice eyes clouded with dogmatic fanaticism and should not be interpreted against any religion or in favour of any faith, but oral history in the open vistas of villages and concrete wall of towns echoes that seed of NSCNs’ presence in the region was sown by a pastor, an individual; an individual who used the garb of Christianity for a wrong purpose in Tirap, Arunachal.

Untold facts, startling though, shall never remain within the valleys and ridges of Patkai and Kachin Hills; and it shall no longer be part of ‘Chinese whispers’ in the dining table, hereafter.

It was a certain pastor of Baptist denomination, a denomination to which both IM and K vow their allegiance; Pastor Mua Baba motivated and sent the first batch of 12 young men; let me reiterate it was just 12 boys then, across the border of Patkai Hills into Kachin Hills for arms training under the tutelage of IM faction. But Baba’s affinity to the IM faction did not go down well with Khaplang faction. Bitter wounds of rivalries between both the groups, after the differences borne out of Shillong Accord of 30 April 1988, were still fresh. And for his quixotic adventure, Mua Baba had to pay the price. Reportedly, Khaplang faction did not take this ‘impartiality’ kindly. It is narrated, mind you-there is no proof like ‘still-photos’ or ‘video recordings’, pastor was tortured in an archaic fashion: he was hanged in an electric pole, in front of entire village folks of Otongkhua, about 30 kms from Khonsa. Muaa Baba was skinned to death, his nails were pulled out and then salt, chilly-powder and ginger paste were applied over exposed parts, so goes the tale. This torture ended with his death on third day.

That was the beginning of dark-period. With passage of time, seeds grew into wild grass of poison ivies. Myanmar’s Hemi Naga Khaplang roped in more Nocte Naga cadres from Arunachal Pradesh then he could manage from Nagas from Manipur or Nagaland.  On the other hand, Tangkhul Naga from Manipur, Th. Muivah and Sema Naga from Nagaland, Isaac Chisi Swu had more Indian Nagas put-together. But NSCN (IM) too started making inroads into Tirap, slowly and steadily; initially with cadres from Nagaland & Manipur but later with Nocte Nagas. With passage of time, domination line was demarcated as Changlang for ‘K’ and Tirap for ‘IM’. Thereafter, rest as they is history. The entire Arunachalees are still carrying the burdens of bedlam.

(End of Part-I) 

Burdens of bedlam- a creation of GoI’s indecisiveness- Part Two

IA’s experiments

As a realist, all the politicians are right to be discreet and, as an open defiance to the law of land, they are all the more right to be indiscreet enough to leave trails of evidence behind them. Not their mistake, not their creation; GoI and its agencies must own up the responsibilities for where we are today. This is the upshot of experiments after experiments of GoI’s intelligence agencies (IA) like Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) along with the interlocutors and as a resultant, Arunachalees and its leaders is not able to bear the burden of GoI’s inefficiency and indecisiveness, any further and anymore.

Inefficiency and indecisiveness is pardonable, but what is wrong is the subtle push and diplomatic shove of their wrong policies’ in Naga Peace Process (NPP), over to Arunachal’s territory. Experimental policies of GoI’s agency especially RAW is well documented by B. Raman an ex-IB (External Intelligence of Ministry of External Agencies) and first few IPS officer who joined RAW on ‘day zero’ of its formation in 1968. Dedicating his book, ‘Kawboys of RAW’, to the founding boss, Mr. Kaw, under whom he started working for RAW, Raman details out the inherent challenges of ‘command-control’, information dissemination, analysis and interpretations within ‘bureaucratic red-tapism’.

In more than four decades of existence, RAW has made commoners pay the price for their follies. Latest folly that boomeranged on Arunachalees is the adopted ‘Maoist Strategies’ of ‘slow alienation’ of Khaplang faction’ in NPP before they could for a kill in an opportune moment with a broader agenda to push out Myanmar’s Naga from NPP, while dangling a carrot called ‘Supra State’ as reward for scaling down from ‘Independence & Sovereignty’ to ‘Greater Nagalim’, thereby hastening the closure of half-a-century old Naga issue with Indian Nagas led by Th. Muivah and IC Swu.

Elusive & cursed mirage

Th. Muivah and IC Swu who are no longer young may be in a hurry to see the deal through in their life-time; but SS Khaplang is geared up for another long haul and one more generational war. Break away of Indian Konyak Nagas from the leadership of Hemei Nagas of Myanmar, under the leadership of Kohle Konyak during June 2011, may have left the notion that GoI’s interlocutors no longer have to deal with Khaplang faction. But that’s far from reality, if that’s the impression amongst the GoI’s agencies. Make no mistake.-adopting is different from adapting.

Tactical and strategic ‘error of judgments’ on part of IAs ensured that signing of NPP deal is still light years away now.

Khaplang faction is back to its forte. Hundreds of Nocte Nagas from Tirap forms nucleus of his team now. For the first time, Arunachal Pradesh has a UG group which we can call our own. ‘Resources like money should not go to Nagaland anymore’ – that’s the mantra amongst the new NSCN-K, and magic mantra is motivating enough to evoke emotive responses from young bloods, who have been silent sufferers in decades long embarrassing dominance of ‘outsiders’ from across the Naga Hills.

Greater Nagalim may become a reality sooner than later, if NSCN (IM) and NSCN (KK) compromise on geographical spread. But NPP shall have to wait for NSCN leaders to embark on their journey lest there is a climb-down from 1, 20,000 sq. km that includes 5 (five) districts of Assam such as parts of Sibsagar, Golahgat, Jorhat, Karbi Anglong, North Cachar Hill districts), four districts of Manipur - Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong, and two districts-Tirap & Changlang-of Arunachal Pradesh (Tirap and Changlang), with a section of Myanmar territory.

NPP deal’s climax shall depend on the emerging and evolving role of ENPO in eastern Nagaland, which has a huge potential of pulling Nocte Nagas of Tirap to its fold.

Second & third decisive factors

Left in the team of Khaplang cadre would be the Tangsa’s of Changlang but one can foresee a potent threat coming from United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA)’s anti-talk faction led by Commander-in-chief, Paresh Barua. Traditionally, ULFA had cadre catchment areas have been the upper Assam’s tea belt comprising of tea –tribe’s of Moran and Motok communities. Prominent figures, within anti-talk faction, are Jiban Moran who is Baruah’s right hand man and Rahendra Moran, student leader turned activist, from these communities.  Persecuted Morans and Motoks’ uprising in their quest for scheduled tribe (ST) status has given way for a formation of rebel armed group, with the consent of the elders of the community, as per the media reports. Sign of time is confirming the fact that Morans and Motoks are on their own with around 100 young boys aged between 18-23 years. With less option, ULFA’s anti-talk faction has developed a new cadre sourcing ground amongst the Mising and Miri dominated areas. Historically, Misings and Miris had never been part of ULFA’s movement but time has changed.

That’s not alarming for us, though.

ULFA’s recruitment strategy has nothing to do with Arunachal Pradesh and therefore, should be of least botheration. But Khaplang led NSCN must be worried. As per the latest inputs received from various credible sources confirms the fact that newly trained armed ‘Mising-Miri’ boys of ULFA are based out Changlang’s industrial hub of Kharsang. That’s leaves huge space for wild guess as to whether Paresh Barua would continue with his non-conventional recruitment strategy and lure away the Tangsa boys from NSCN movement.

These are few emerging fact which can change the course of trends for which we all will have to wait and watch. Pertinently, IA’s divisive policy in breaking down ULFA has back-fired on Arunachalees one more time and we, the Arunachalees, have once again silently agreed to live with it.

Presence of 100 Maoists trained armed Khampti boys in Lohit also does not augur well for Arunachal, as well as ultras. There is bound to be fights for ‘human resources’ in Arunachal Pradesh.

Conclusion

Role of a Church leader led to the growth of ultras in Arunachal Pradesh but the churches led to formation of FNR and signing of CoR and thereby restored peace in Nagaland to a large extent. Logically, poison ivies sown by Church must be destroyed by Church itself. Time has come for Arunachal’s church leaders to introspect to find a way out and follow the Naga church leaders’ path of peace and harmony. Not to forget and not to miss is the Don Bosco’s initiative of setting up of a school on March 5 last in presence of N Tingkhatra and Wangling Lowangdong, in Otongkhua village, the very same village where Mua Baba, the harbinger of ultras in Tirap, was tortured to death.

In other words, without condoning any action against law of land, to squarely put it on few political leaders for hobnobbing with ultras and thereby alleging charges of bringing ultras to pristine Arunachal Pradesh, bereft of facts is a sin.  In the same breath, without discussing the role of GoI’s IAs in alienating the Arunachalees; and in compromising the interests of Arunachalees for sake of restoring peace, progress and prosperity in Nagaland and Assam is unpardonable.

Haven’t Arunachalees sacrificed more for Indian nation state than any of the North Eastern states thereby never deserving the status of a ‘junk-yard’ or are the GoI’s AIs and interlocutors keeping their self interests in ‘life-time perks and benefits’ above anything else. Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) must justify why Arunachalees are always the pawn, even in Indo-Sino game, a subject I will deal with some other time.

A summer tale from historic August 1950

A living history himself, my Abo (father in Galo language) Sokjar Gamlin is a great story teller

 ‘You need to look up the exact dates; it should be in your computer. I can only narrate the events’ warns my Abo, Galo for ‘father’. Struggling with fading memories in his twilight years, Abo is telling me the story of the Great earthquake of Assam which had struck the region on August 15, 1950. In a cruel coincidence, that it was  India’s 4^th Independence Day and completion of 3 years of Sodinta (Swadinta, for Independence,  in Hindi), as he recalls the day.

 

“We reached Gauhati the very same day that the great earthquake shook the entire Assam region,” He attempts to recall the exact date of his journey to Gauhati in 1950 from Bahadur Hill, a part of Abor Hills that runs parallel to the river Sipu on the left bank till Sipu merges with Siyom River. 

Those days’ government orders/notifications used to come from Shillong to Pasighat where the Political Officer (PO) and the Assistant Political Officer (APO) were stationed as administrative heads; and from thereon it was disseminated to other destinations including Along. The entire Abor Hills, along with the Mishmi Hills were part of Sadiya Frontier Tract. About the challenges faced in administration during early period after India’s independence, he says, ‘Telegram was the fastest mode of communication. We didn’t have computer (referring to electronic mail) and mobile services (referring to short message service).’ About himself, he thinks, ‘I was a young bachelor, with no baggage except the desire to serve the community and the nation as a whole- it was quite romantic and idealistic.’

 ‘On August 12, 1950, I was summoned by the then Assistant Political Officer (APO) to his office.’ The first administrative head to be posted at Along was KT Khuma, a Mizo, who, designated as APO, was the highest authority then. [KT Khuma died sometime back. He is survived by his second wife whom he married after the death of first wife, four sons and two daughter]. Khuma Saab, as Abo fondly remembers him, informed him that he was to be part of the three-member Political Interpreter (PI) delegation representing the Adi community of Siang. 

’You see, unlike today, we Adis were not divided then. We were called Adi-Galo, likewise they were Adi-Minyong but together we were all Adis. Above all, we were a large family called ‘Siang People’,” he expresses his unease with bifurcations and divisions. 

His narrations are peppered with lot of wandering commentaries like these, but the moment I grimace with impatience, he comes back to the main thread. 

‘Khuma Saab asked me to report to the then PO Bharat C. Bhuyian at Pasighat the next day to proceed further to Gauhati, to pay our last respects to the departed soul of the first Chief Minister of greater Assam, Gopinath Bordoloi,  who had died exactly a week ago on August 05.

‘Next morning, I set off for Pasighat even before the roosters crowed and I walked the entire day on August 13 to reach Pasighat and joined the two other members of the delegation who were senior to me in service.‘I was designated to represent the Galo community along with Bibing Otik [Kutik Moyong, father of Omem Moyong Deori the first female MP and first Padamashree awardee from Arunachal Pradesh], who was the then Head PI, the boss of the entire PI of undivided Siang. Bibing represented the Adi community and Banom Perme represented the Padams. Our delegation was led by Bibing Otik who was then considered an elderly statesman and a gentleman.’ 

With moisture in his fading eyes and with a deep breath full of nostalgia, he recalls ‘Bibing Otik had a very dry sense of humour that bloomed only after sunset with his standard couple of pegs’. That time, Jairamdas Daulatram and Bishnuram Medhi were the Governor and the Chief Minister of Assam respectively, and Rustomjee was the Advisor on Tribal Affairs based at Shillong. 

This leads him to another diversionary reminiscing, till I gently prod him back on track. 

‘On August 14^th we had a briefing session and on August 15^th we flew down to Gauhati by a helicopter!’  I can see a gleam come back in his eyes and his shoulders pull up with enthusiasm as if he was re-living his first flight in a big fat plane. Abo gives a graphic description of what the interiors of the ‘Pvtta Gaari’ (literally ‘bird-vehicle’ in Galo, for an aeroplane) looked like but still I am unsure of its make. In all probability, it was a DAKOTA since it was the most commonly used air-craft after the World War-II in this region.

 ‘As soon as we reached Gauhati, we headed straightaway to meet Mrs. Bordoloi, wife of Gopinath Bordoloi, to pay our condolences. As we were ushered in Bibing Otik took the lead, followed by Banom and me in order of seniority,’ he recalls, ‘We were much disciplined and followed norms to the tee. These were etiquettes we learnt during the Raj era at Sadiya and Pasighat. PL James, under whom I had started working in official capacity, was a strict disciplinarian.’

After meeting Mrs. Bordoloi, the three of them headed for tea in one of the ‘shaamianas’ erected for the visitors from Siang, Ziro, and Sadiya. ‘I don’t remember whether it was a school or a college but, for sure, the entire set up was that of an educational institution where arrangements for huge gathering were made’. 

Among the faded memories, there’s a moment that still has the clarity of yesterday. 

He pitched up his voice and with some drama, he says, “The first lot had finished tea around 6.30 pm and we were in the second lot, queuing up for our turn to have tea. It must have been around 7 pm when tea in the cups started to spill out….suddenly, the earth started shaking vigorously. A big tree in the playground, next to where the tea was being served, swayed like a feather…thereafter, it was all helter-skelter. It was a massive earthquake.” 

He lowers his tone and slows his pace. 

‘News of devastation was trickling in from Dibrugarh, Tinsukia, Sadiya and parts of NE Frontier Tract which were better connected, but we- Bibing, Banom and I-didn’t know what was happening in our home-towns. There was no way of finding out about the situation in Pasighat and Along.  We were anxious for information. The only piece that we got through the official sources was that Abor Hills has been impacted, but we didn’t know the severity of the devastation. Those days shall never be forgotten.’

‘Our misery started thereafter. The government machinery was deployed for relief and rescue operations, so we had to make our own arrangements for the return journey.  It took us good 7 days to reach Tinsukia from Gauhati.  We had to change our mode of transportation many a times - trekking for miles, riding on mule or horseback, at times on truck and if lucky on crowded jeeps.’

He continues with his narrations of great tragedy that struck the region at pace of 8.5 Richter scale on  of  Independence day

‘Railway tracks were washed away by raging rivers and rivulets. Highways caved-in for miles together. There were craters, puddles filled with stinking sludge water and when the wind blew, a foul smell was blown to every direction from the bodies of human and animal remains.’

 ‘Those days shall never be forgotten’, he murmurs again, recalling the Great Assam Earthquake of 1950. 

The earthquake, which changed the course of mighty Brahmaputra and of Sadiya forever, where my Abo earned his first salary in few anas; and the earthquake that, compelled the union government to rethink and reorganize the administrative set-up.

Abo was right. The information is available on internet. Google search on internet in the computer threw up the exact dates. After the very same earthquake, the then Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru visited Assam for 4 days between September 4 and 7, to get a first-hand assessment of the situation.

Two days later on September 09, 1950, he addressed the nation, through All India Radio: “…It was the evening of August 15….Soon after half past seven, the earth trembled and shook and heaved up or subsided and houses tumbled …. The epicenter of the earthquake was somewhere in Tibet, near a place called Rima some miles from the Assam Frontier…”

So, now we know it wasn’t 6.45 or 7 pm, as Abo described. It was 7.30 pm on August 15, 1950. The then Prime Minister of India, Pandit Nehru said so.

This was one of those moments of history that I have relived through my Abo's eyes.